The violent reality that has unfortunately become all too familiar has once again struck our country. In Ekurhuleni, nine women have been found dead since July, with the seventh and eighth victims discovered naked and in advanced states of decomposition along roadsides and open fields [1]. A woman’s body was lying decaying in a field before law enforcement even realised that she was missing. This is a horrific reflection of the complete lack of urgency that our protective mechanisms hold when it comes to women.  The government’s response has once again exposed a fatal flaw in our policing model as it is entirely reactive. Police leadership waited until four women were murdered in the same area before assembling a high-level task force, and only began cross-referencing station records after the body count continued to rise [1]. We are exhausted by a broken system that treats post-mortem arrests as a victory while doing nothing to keep women alive in the first place. Empty political sympathy and calls for action do not save lives. We do not want justice that only arrives in a mortuary. We need proactive, preemptive measures that identify serial predators and prevent deaths before they occur. This reactive model is driven by severe underfunding of GBVF response. While GBVF was officially declared a national crisis, the state continues to cut overall spending on policing, leaving frontline officers stripped of basic resources [2]. The government's true priorities are clear in the numbers. Last year, R339 million was found for VIP services to protect just 3 666 politicians while this year only R43 million was allocated to the national body meant to coordinate South Africa’s response to gender-based violence and femicide, despite a staggering 50 511 reported GBVF cases [2]. Even when temporary task teams are formed during public outrage, once they are dissolved local police stations are left isolated and serial predators are free to strike again. Our specific demands are non-negotiable and urgently necessary. The blueprint to stop serial offenders before they strike again already exists in the SAPS Policy on the Investigation and Management of Serial Rape and Serial Murder [4] and is backed by a 2026 study on serial crime linkage in Ekurhuleni [5]. But without ring-fenced funding, these frameworks remain empty promises on paper. We are mourning both the sisters we have lost and the lives we are told we cannot live, at least not without fear or the terrifying question of Am I next? If thousands of us join our voices today, we can build the public pressure required to force Treasury and SAPS leadership to move from reactive lip service to permanent, preventative action. Sign this petition now to demand permanent emergency funding for a serial crime rapid-response task force. It’s time that one more turns into no more. References: [1] IOL News: Ninth body found in Dawn Park, Ekurhuleni (https://iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/2026-09-17-breaking-ninth-body-found-in-dawn-park-ekurhuleni/) [2] Alternative Information & Development Centre (AIDC): Years of Underfunding Have Undermined SA’s Fight Against GBVF (https://aidc.org.za/years-of-underfunding-have-undermined-sas-fight-against-gbvf/) [3] National Treasury / South African Government: Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) Section 16 Emergency Expenditure Provisions (https://www.treasury.gov.za/legislation/pfma/act.pdf) [4] Civilian Secretariat for Police Service: SAPS Policy on the Investigation and Management of Serial Rape and Serial Murder (https://www.policesecretariat.gov.za/sites/default/files/publications/policy_invs_man_rape.pdf) [5] Springer Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2026): Serial Crime Linkage and Multidisciplinary Response in Ekurhuleni (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11896-026-09830-5)

We are already struggling to put food on the table [2], and now Eskom has asked NERSA for permission to increase electricity prices by 8,83% in 2027 [3]. This is the same Eskom we carried through load-shedding when our taxes paid their debt relief and we paid more for electricity. Now load-shedding is over, and Eskom has excess electricity [4]. Treasury and Eskom should cut electricity prices to increase demand and help us during this cost-of-living crisis. Eskom cannot just raise electricity prices every year and make big profits at our expense. Government and politicians will claim that households that can’t afford electricity prices will get free electricity and water from the municipalities' Free Basic Services (FBS) program. But that program needs major fixing. Research by PARI found that municipalities are given money to provide free electricity and water to 11 million households, but only about 2.5 million households receive free basics [5]. Those who do get free basics must jump through municipality hoops for a small amount of free electricity. Decision-makers must reduce electricity prices and implement PARI’s recommendations to link Free Basic Services with the SASSA beneficiary registry. Municipalities should only receive funds once they can show they have actually delivered free electricity and water.  The Minister of Finance must make cutting electricity prices for consumers a condition of Eskom's debt-relief program. If electricity prices are allowed to increase, President Ramaphosa and Minister Godongwana must increase social grants significantly.  The Government of National Unity (GNU) promised to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, but continues to fail us. We refuse to accept this.  References: [1] Public comments for Eskom’s proposed 8.83% tariff hike for 2027 open. Themba Radebe for SABC News. 8 September 2026 [2] South Africa should wage a fully-fledged war against poverty, Khutso Makua for Mail & Guardian, 10 February 2026. [3] Electricity bills to rise by 8.8% if Eskom gets its way with NERSA, Nosipho Radebe for SABC, 5 September 2026. [4] Eskom's power-generating capacity at a record high; its sales at a record low, by Engineering News, 4 September 2026. [5] https://pari.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/20250801_PolicyBrief_FreeBasicServices_Ledger.pdf  

Education is a fundamental human right and a virtual pillar for personal empowerment, economic growth, and societal development. Yet in South Africa, this right has long been undermined by structural inequality. The Bantu Education Act (Act No. 47 of 1953) deliberately created separate and grossly unequal education systems for Black and white South Africans. Although apartheid has formally ended, its legacy continues to shape rural communities such as Ga‑Mashashane, where Black learners remain excluded from equal and quality education. The promise of democracy has not yet translated into the everyday reality of accessible libraries, functional classrooms, and safe sporting facilities. The statistics are stark.Only eight percent of public schools in South Africa have functional libraries, and these are almost entirely located in former model C schools – institutions that already benefit from resources to stock and staff such facilities. Approximately 20 000 schools are without libraries, thereby denying their learners access to regular reading opportunities.  In 2015, 10.8% of public schools in Limpopo province had access to a library,  however, only 2.3% of those are well-resourced and functional. In Ga-Mashashane, none of our schools have fully functional libraries. These statistics are reflected in the province’s reading for meaning statistics, with only 19% of children in Grade 3 reading for meaning, and 15% in Grade 2.   The impacts of this in our community manifests in the increase in high drop-out rates, increased crime and violence over the years. We do not need the statistics in our community to see the direct results of the decrease in reading comprehension, almost all of us know a child or children that have dropped out of school. We see first hand with the increased number of children roaming around the streets and at spaza shops during school hours. According to National statistics, 3% of 15 year olds and 9% of 17 year olds have dropped out of school. In Polokwane, where our district municipality is, the 2021 statistics showed that only 79.0% of those aged between 5-24 are in school.  A child who reads gains confidence, imagination, and the ability to dream beyond their circumstances. Denying rural children access to the opportunity to read is not only unjust – it is a continuation of apartheid’s legacy of exclusion. We must recognise the broader stakes, inequality in education perpetuates cycles of poverty and marginalisation. When rural children are not given an opportunity to engage books outside of the classroom setting, given our overflowing classrooms and that our schools are understaffed and underfunded, they are less likely to succeed academically, less likely to access higher education, and less likely to break free from structural disadvantage. This is not simply about individual futures; it is about the collective future of communities and the nation. South Africa cannot claim to be building a just society while millions of children remain locked out of basic opportunities. The importance of this campaign lies in its ability to trickle down into ensuring that we prevent some of the challenges that we are already confronted with as a community.  When children cannot read for meaning at grade level, they often fall through the cracks, repeating grades  and then being demotivated to continue with their studies. The reading struggle is a drug struggle because where do most children who drop-out go? Into drugs. What happens when communities have an increased number of children addicted to drugs? Crime rates increase, and communities become unsafe. These are not separate struggles; they are intertwined.  While the government bears the constitutional duty to provide quality education and facilities, communities cannot remain passive in the face of neglect. We have the power to act. We can do our bit to ensure that the children within our community have an opportunity to learn to read and write. Community‑driven initiatives are not a substitute for state responsibility, but they are a refusal to accept silence and stagnation. They are acts of dignity and resistance against inequality. In Ga‑Mashashane, Vahluri Reading Club embodies this spirit of community action. Catering to children from Grade 3 to Grade 8, it provides a space where learners can gather, read, and grow together. It is a grassroots response to the absence of libraries, ensuring that children are not left behind simply because of where they were born.These informal efforts show that talent and potential are everywhere, but without proper support, they remain buried. This petition is therefore about more than facilities – it is about justice. It is about undoing the inequality of the past, one book at a time. It is about demanding that our children be given the tools to thrive, not just survive. It is about holding decision‑makers accountable while also mobilising community power to fill the gaps. We cannot wait for government promises to materialise; we must act now to ensure that our children have spaces to read and grow.

Every year, thousands of young South Africans apply to universities in the hope of pursuing higher education. Many applicants are encouraged to apply to several institutions because admission is not guaranteed, and available spaces are limited. For many families, however, every application fee represents money that could have been used for transport, food, school expenses or other essential needs. We believe that students should not lose their money simply because a university cannot offer them admission. It is important because students and their families can lose significant amounts of money even when the student was never admitted to the university.

Data Centres are building facilities that house computer servers. They are like storage, but for digital information. And now that AI use is increasing, demand for more data centres is also high, as more information will need to be stored.  However, South Africa does not have enough affordable electricity or clean water to meet the water demands of data centres, and yet our government wants to allow big corporations to take these resources anyway. These big investments will either be another scandal in which profits are prioritised over people, or an opportunity for communities to shape the future of investment. Add your name to demand regulation & community involvement now!  References [1] South Africa needs data centres, but not without transparency, by Tyronne McCrindle for Ground Up, 04 August 2026. [2] More data centers coming to Illinois as residents complain about noise, electric bills: What to know by Jason Knowles and Maggie Green for ABC7 Chicago, 18 February 2026.

 Because people need to connect. In Cape Town, the train is the only mode of public transport that does not operate on Sunday. This is sad and deeply wrong. While taxis and buses move, the cheapest and safest transport for the poor stands still. You cannot build a united city when you disconnect its people one day every week.

This matters because: • South Africa’s Constitution was born from a struggle against exclusion. It promises equality before the law and protects the dignity of all people. • South African families are diverse. Every family deserves dignity and respect. • Our response should reflect the values at the heart of our democracy: Ubuntu. Equality. Compassion. Freedom. Human dignity. We respect freedom of religion, belief, expression and peaceful assembly. But these freedoms must not be used to justify discrimination, dehumanisation or attempts to strip others of their constitutional rights. The proposed conference forms part of a broader anti-rights movement seeking to roll back LGBTQ+ equality, restrict women’s rights, undermine comprehensive sexuality education and promote exclusionary laws across Africa. South Africa must not become a platform for intolerance or discrimination. This is bigger than LGBTQ+ rights. It is about defending the Constitution, protecting democracy and affirming the dignity and equality of every person. We Call On: Conference venues, hotels and businesses Do not provide platforms for organisations promoting exclusion and discrimination. Consider whether hosting the conference aligns with your commitments to diversity, inclusion and human rights.  The Department of Home Affairs Ensure foreign speakers and delegates comply with South African law. Individuals with documented histories of hate speech, incitement to discrimination or calls for violence against LGBTQ+ people should be carefully assessed under applicable immigration legislation, and where lawful grounds exist, should not be permitted entry. President Cyril Ramaphosa's Government The President, Cabinet and relevant departments must publicly reaffirm South Africa’s commitment to equality, human dignity, freedom from discrimination, LGBTQ+ rights and diverse families and distance themselves from this conference. Parliament and political leaders Reject and speak out against attempts to weaponise religion, culture or “family values” to exclude fellow South Africans. Leadership should unite, not divide. Faith leaders Speak out for the values of love, inclusion, compassion and human dignity. No single religious voice speaks for all people of faith. Traditional leaders Publicly disavow narratives portraying LGBTQ+ Africans as outsiders. African communities have always contained diverse identities and experiences. Homophobia and exclusion are not African values. Civil society LGBTQ+ organisations, women’s and youth groups, educators, health professionals, legal experts, faith leaders and human rights defenders should work together to promote constitutional values and evidence-based dialogue, campaigning against exclusionary and divisive narratives. All South Africans Reject fear, misinformation and division. Stand with families in all their diversity, speak out against hate and support people facing discrimination. Sign the Petition and join us in saying: - We reject hate. - We reject discrimination disguised as “family values”. - We stand for dignity, equality and inclusion — for every family.

Problem gambling has been on the rise, and the fact that people still continue to be bombarded by gambling adverts does not help [1]. Those who want to stop are constantly being tempted to gamble because these ads are everywhere. We need the department to act, and quickly. References [1] Problem gambling rises across South Africa by Aniedi Ekwere for Find More Africa, 12 August 2026.

When big business interests are put before public interest, good governance and our very democracy are at stake. [1] https://www.businessday.co.za/news/health/2026-06-25-mps-plan-to-soften-restrictions-on-vapes-harshest-penalties-in-draft-tobacco-bill/  [2] https://www.afro.who.int/countries/south-africa/news/who-supports-south-africas-draft-bill-control-tobacco-products-and-electronic-delivery-systems [3] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2026-07-15-unpacking-the-defences-and-deflections-around-the-resolve-communications-controversy/

Jurisdiction of the HPCSA Questions may arise as to whether the HPCSA has jurisdiction where a registered practitioner is simultaneously serving in political office. We respectfully submit that it does. Professional registration carries ethical obligations that are not suspended by election or appointment to public office. The Council has previously exercised disciplinary jurisdiction over registered practitioners serving in political office, demonstrating that holding such office does not remove a practitioner from the ethical standards of the profession. While the factual circumstances of that matter differ from those raised here, the underlying principle is clear: political office does not exempt registered practitioners from professional accountability. Accordingly, this request concerns professional conduct, not parliamentary privilege or political opinion. Why tobacco control requires particular ethical vigilance This matter warrants particular attention because it concerns tobacco control. Unlike most areas of public policy, tobacco control is governed by the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC), an international treaty ratified by South Africa. Article 5.3 requires Parties to protect public health policies from the commercial and other vested interests of the tobacco industry, recognising the industry's long and well-documented history of misleading policymakers, funding favourable research, creating front groups and influencing public discourse. For this reason, transparency, independence and careful management of actual, potential or perceived conflicts of interest are especially important whenever registered health professionals participate in tobacco-control policymaking. Why the present circumstances warrant consideration The present request arises from the public conduct of Dr Kgosi Letlape, a registered medical practitioner, former President of the HPCSA and current Member of Parliament serving on the Portfolio Committee considering the Tobacco Products and Electronic Delivery Systems Control Bill. The combination of these roles is significant. His medical qualifications and former leadership of the HPCSA inevitably lend additional authority and credibility to his public statements concerning tobacco regulation. That authority carries corresponding ethical responsibilities. For 10 years, Dr Letlape spoke at the annual tobacco-industry-funded Global Tobacco Nicotine Forum[1]. In 2021, he admitted that he had been consulting with the tobacco industry [2]. That same year he was appointed Commissioner for a commission funded by the Philip Morris-funded Foundation for a Smoke-Free World [3]. Dr Letlape co-founded and currently presides over the African Harm Reduction Alliance, an alliance made possible by Health Diplomates, a consultancy working with British American Tobacco subsidiary Nicoventures. Health Diplomates funded the African Harm Reduction Alliance and manages its website. Just Managing Consulting, a grantee of the Philip Morris-funded Foundation for a Smoke-Free World, produced a report for the African Harm Reduction Alliance [4]. The CEO of the African Harm Reduction Alliance is Delon Human, a South African doctor who has collaborated with British American Tobacco [5]. These publicly documented relationships raise legitimate questions about transparency, professional independence and the management of actual or apparent conflicts of interest that warrant investigation. Publicly available information raises questions regarding: • the disclosure and management of actual, potential or perceived conflicts of interest arising from reported associations with organisations linked to tobacco-industry funding;  • the timing and adequacy of disclosure of such interests during parliamentary deliberations affecting tobacco industry commercial interests;  • the accuracy and completeness of certain public statements concerning the Tobacco Products and Electronic Delivery Systems Control Bill; and  • whether public advocacy undertaken while invoking professional authority complied with the standards of integrity, scientific accuracy, transparency and independence expected of registered medical practitioners.  These questions are not raised to presume misconduct. Rather, they are presented because they appear sufficiently important to warrant independent consideration by the statutory body entrusted with regulating professional conduct. Our request We respectfully request that the HPCSA: 1. Undertake a preliminary assessment of the matters outlined in the accompanying evidence memorandum and determine whether a formal professional conduct investigation is warranted.  2. Clarify the ethical obligations of registered health professionals who participate in public policymaking while relying upon their professional qualifications and standing.  3. Provide guidance on disclosure and management of actual, potential or perceived conflicts of interest involving commercial entities whose products are the subject of public health legislation.  4. Reaffirm the profession's commitment to scientific integrity, transparency, professional independence and protection of public trust.  Conclusion The issue before the Council extends beyond one practitioner or one piece of legislation. It concerns the standards expected whenever registered health professionals participate in shaping public policy. The precedent established in this matter will influence future engagement on tobacco control and many other commercial determinants of health, including alcohol, ultra-processed foods, pharmaceuticals and emerging technologies. South Africans rightly expect health professionals to place the interests of patients and the public above commercial interests. We respectfully submit that this is an appropriate opportunity for the HPCSA to reaffirm those principles and strengthen public confidence in the medical profession. Yours faithfully, National Council Against Smoking (NCAS), South Africa South African Tobacco-Free Youth Forum amandla.mobi Section 27

We have the right to be properly informed about developments in our backyard, and the right to say NO! We, the residents of the Western Cape, have not been informed about how our lives, livelihoods, and human rights will be impacted by the Equinix hyperscale data centre being proposed in the King Air Industria site and all other future data centre developments in the City of Cape Town and the Western Cape. From Housing Assembly and Foxglove  (Objectors to the Erf 178931 rezoning and amendment to basket of rights application made to the Municipal Planning Tribunal)  The Housing Assembly’s members are communities who live in informal settlements, backyard dwellings, temporary relocation areas, rental accommodation, and inadequately constructed RDP housing. Some members even live in Gugulethu right across the road from the proposed Equinix data centre. Our communities already do not have access to water and electricity as we can barely afford to pay the current electricity tariffs and can only access clean water from one tap within about a 100sqm radius. Why do we have to wait for affordable housing, water and electricity while the City of Cape Town approves developments that will not benefit our communities? How can we allow a development like this to be built in our backyard without being informed about how it will affect our livelihoods?  Foxglove is our partner in this challenge, given their experience gained by investigating the environmental, social and governance implications of hyperscale data centre development across the globe and now in South Africa.  Sign this petition if you support our cause and would like to put pressure on the City to adhere to our demands.

We all know the frustration of waiting 3/6 months to years for a diploma application, only to be rejected over a minor error like a missing stamp or date. This is not fair, and it is delaying our futures. Joining this campaign means:     Demanding fairness: No more rejections for small mistakes that could be confirmed through the evidence provided     Fighting delays: We want a maximum waiting period of 1–2 months, not 6 months to years     Building unity: Every province faces the same struggle. Together, our voices are strong     Holding DHET accountable