Heineken, Kellogg’s, Ferrero and PepsiCo (Simba Chips) are massively rich multinational companies based in the Netherlands, Italy and the USA respectively. They have clearly bought into the neoliberal idea that the corporations of the 1 percent of the wealthiest people in the world are free to break the law when it comes to the rights of labour broker workers. They have all resisted the rights that parliament enacted for labour broker workers in 2015 with all the power their wealth gives them.  They have victimised and dismissed worker leaders who organised to claim these rights. When workers persisted and forced them to concede these rights, they have responded by taking revenge by retrenching hundreds of these workers.   South Africa’s precarious workers cannot afford the behaviour of these giant corporations. We call on you to call them to order.   When Shoprite made themselves guilty of similar behaviour in Zambia in 2013, the Zambian government called them to order. The Zambian government told Shoprite to respect workers’ rights or lose their trading licence. We call on you to follow the example of the Zambian government.    TELL THESE COMPANIES OF SHAME TO RECOGNISE THEIR PERMANENT EMPLOYEES AND TO GIVE THEM EQUAL TREATMENT   TELL THESE COMPANIES OF SHAME TO REINSTATE ALL DISMISSED AND RETRENCHED WORKERS    TELL THESE COMPANIES OF SHAME YOU WILL CANCEL THEIR TRADING LICENCES IF THEY CONTINUE TO VIOLATE THE RIGHTS OF LABOUR BROKER WORKERS [i] 80% of labour broker workers should be deemed permanent – report, by Dewald van Rensburg for fin24.com, 16 August 2018

The Political Party Funding Bill has the potential to curb the instances of corruption that plagues our political and electoral systems. We have seen it with the State Capture Inquiry and through the instances of maladministration in local government structures. All of this because we don't have access to the crucial information of who provides funding to political parties. It is our democratic right to not just vote but to make an informed vote. The information of political parties’ private donor information is required to make an informed vote at the elections. The longer the President delays signing the Bill into law, the longer we will have this democratic right denied. After twenty-four years of South Africa’s democratic dispensation, political parties remain unwilling to provide the public with information on their private funding. For many years, we have been campaigning for Parliament to regulate the transparency of political parties private funding information. Although long overdue, in 2017 Parliament finally drafted the Political Party Funding Bill. This Bill is the only law that will place an obligation on political parties to disclose information on their private funding. Earlier this year the Bill was adopted in Parliament, however the Bill cannot be implemented until President Cyril Ramaphosa signs the Bill into law. Sign this petition and help put measures in place that could effectively prevent more dubious dealings on all levels of government that affects all South Africans.

Independent analysts put the number of people killed in what has been dubbed as political killings in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) as high as 104 [1]. These killings have made residents feel unsafe. Despite this, KZN Premier, Willies Mchunu, refuses to release the Moerane Commission report and hearing transcripts. Even when a Public Access to Information (PAIA) request was made on 16th August, giving him 30 days in which to act, the Premier has failed to comply. Premier Willies Mchunu appointed the Moerane Commission of Inquiry to investigate the underlying causes of the killings and to come up with recommendations based on the evidence from the security forces, victims, families, political parties and local government. The Commission completed its work in May and tabled the Moearane Commission to the Premier. Following that, the report was tabled at the KZN provincial legislature [2], but it still has not been published on all government websites. The public deserves to know. The hearings were funded by the public, the majority of them open to the public, and relates to issues of great importance to the public. The people of Umlazi and surrounding areas, and where the bulk of the killings have a vested interest to know what happened.

The right to sexual and reproductive health (SRH) is an essential component of the right to life, the right to health, the right to education, and the right to equality and non-discrimination. Many women, young women, adolescent girls, and gender non-conforming people in South Africa are vulnerable to ill-health due to several economic and social barriers that prevent them from accessing timely and life-saving SRH services, including safe abortion and contraception. Better access to these services can prevent unsupported pregnancies and reduce unsafe abortions. When a woman is denied unencumbered access to these services, her agency and the right to make decisions about her body are limited. More than two decades have passed since the progressive Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (CTOPA), 1996, liberalised abortion in South Africa. However, women in South Africa continue to face barriers in accessing safe abortion services. This is due to severe stigma, refusal by healthcare providers to provide services due to their religious or moral beliefs, lack of information on the legally safeguarded rights under the CTOPA, and poor infrastructure and limited availability of safe abortion services. Due to these barriers, women and adolescent girls often resort to illegal and unsafe abortion services, which put their health and lives at risk. Unchecked advertising of ‘quick and pain free abortions’ by illegal providers perpetuates the stigma and misinformation about abortion among the population. According to a 2009 study, two illegal abortion procedures took place in South Africa for every safe legal procedure. Globally, unsafe abortion is one of the top five causes of maternal mortality, along with post-partum haemorrhage, sepsis, complications from delivery, and hypertensive disorder. In our country, many women die every year, or sustain injuries and disabilities due to unsafe abortions. For example, the 2014 Saving Mothers report, covering the period from 2011 to 2013, reveals that pregnancy-related sepsis accounted for 9.5% of maternal deaths during the said period.

Each year South Africa spends more than R59 billion [1] to address tobacco related illnesses like lung cancer, emphysema, asthma and bronchitis. At the same time the country only collects between R11 billion and R13 billion from tobacco taxes. Last year South Africa’s largest tobacco company British American Tobacco alone took a profit of R2.3billion, after tax [2]. This means the South African taxpayer is paying for the healthcare bill of tobacco-related harm while the tobacco industry collects the profits. The only way to change this scenario is to substantially increase excise taxes on tobacco. In 2018, the finance minister increased the tobacco excise tax by just R1.22 for a pack of 20 cigarettes [3]– this translated to an increase of a mere R2.50 for someone who smokes two packets a week. Although this increase was in line with the CPI, it did little to reduce the affordability of cigarettes. And this small increase will not encourage a drop in consumption. The tobacco industry has constantly exaggerated the size of the illicit trade to put false pressure on tobacco tax policy. But 2014 research by UCT’s Professor Corne van Walbeek shows that the tobacco industry has been adjusting its estimates of the illicit trade to create the illusion that it has been rapidly growing [4]. Although he agrees that illicit trade exists, he says that if previous estimates by the tobacco industry were incorrect, the credibility of current estimates should be questioned. Illicit trade in South Africa can only be tackled through enforcement. This primarily comes from the criminal justice sector. But the Hawks and the National Prosecuting Authority have been in disarray and the South African Revenue Service has deliberately been undermined. As a result, enforcement has not taken place, particularly in the last six years. The long-term solution for South Africa is to implement the World Health Organisation’s Illicit Trade Protocol [5]. This calls for the use of an independent and effective system that regulates cigarette production, import, export and sale. South Africa signed the Protocol in 2013 [6] but has still not ratified or taken steps to implement it. What can be done? Prevention costs less than treatment. Prevention means reducing the number of smoker- and one of the most effective ways to do this is to increase the price of tobacco. This is how we can take back the tax that is spent on tobacco-related health harm. We call on the National Treasury to increase the excise tobacco tax to 70% of the current price of cigarettes and other tobacco products. This has been recommended by both the World Health Organisation and the World Bank [7]. It would make cigarettes more expensive and reduce consumption. And it will send a clear message to the tobacco industry that their attempts to undermine evidence-based healthy public policy are not successful. Tobacco taxes are a win-win for public health and public finances. References [1] The Tobacco Atlas - South Africa [2] BAT revenue rises but profit and market share fall. Robert Laing for Bizcommunity 28 JUL 2017 | [3] 2018 Budget Speech by Malusi GigabaMinister of Finance 21 February 2018 [4] Are the tobacco industry's claims about the size of the illicit cigarette market credible? The case of South Africa. 2014 Corné van Walbeek, Lerato Shai [5] WHO Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products [6] SA signs tobacco smuggling treaty. IOL, 11 JANUARY 2013 [7] TAXING TO PROMOTE PUBLIC GOODS: TOBACCO TAXES. World Bank

Imagine having to stand in a queue outside the clinic from 6:00am, have the doors open around 7:30am, and only be attended to around 14:00pm. This is the reality of people who live in Kagiso who have been complaining about the poor services at Maki Legwete Clinic. Last week, Tshidi* took her eight month old daughter to the clinic, she became worried when her daughter's temperature spiked up in the middle of the night. Her child also had sore red eyes, she cried continuously and was restless throughout the night. "Akere kea tseba gore di line tsa ko clinic di jwang, so ka kopa ntate wa ngwana wa ka gore a eme ko queue ka bo 6:00am hoseng" Because I know how long the queues are at the clinic, I asked the father of my child to stand in line from 6:00am in the morning." Tshidi* arrived with the child around 7:00am before the clinic opened, and it was already packed, she sat in the queue and was finally assisted around 14:00pm. "Nurse ha ya check-a ngwana sintle, o butsitse feela ka di symptoms, a re fa panado le iliadin" The nurse didn't check my child properly, she only asked about the symptoms and gave us panado syrup and iliadin. Tshidi* left the clinic feeling that she did not receive proper assistance, or that she could ask sensitive health questions she had intended to. Often, young mothers are stigmatized, nurses sometimes give them a bad attitude, and make unwelcoming remarks about the fact that they gave birth at a young age. For 18 year old Tshidi* this is something she experiences frequently, and this makes it difficult and uncomfortable for her to even ask questions about her own health. Two days later , 06 September 2018, Tsidi's daughter's condition had not improved even though she had given her medication as prescribed by the clinic. Tshidi's mother became worried about her granddaughter's condition, she took a day off from work on Thursday, and accompanied Tshidi* to see a doctor for a check up. "Ke kolomaka di ntlu tsa makgowa, ha ke na tjelete, ha Kliniki i sa thusi ngwana sintle, jwale ka Mme o tla kadima tjelete gore o thuse ngwana wa go akere" I clean white people's houses, I have no money, if the clinic doesn't assist, as a mother you'll even borrow money to assist your child." The doctor discovered that the child in question has flue, weak eye-sight, and her eyes are also easily irritable. According to Tshidi, in less than 48 hours of seeing the doctor and using the prescribed medication, she could see an improvement in her daughter's condition. Many woman rely on local clinic services because they cannot afford private health care or medical aid. Unfortunately, Tshidi* is not the only person who has received poor services from the mentioned clinic. For 55 year old Mme Martha* it is having to walk for almost an hour just to get to the clinic, and then having to wait in a long queue that she has a problem with. "Ke tla dira eng, ke domestic worker, ga ke na tjelete ya go ya bona doctor..." What can I do, I am a domestic worker, I don't have money to see a doctor... " A few weeks ago, a number of Economic Freedom Fighters (#EFF) members (mostly residing in and around Kagiso) were gathered outside the clinic in protest. The main road, Geba Street, was blocked, in order to address the issue of poor service delivery. In South Africa, generally, clinics provide poor services. In 2009, a report entitled "Public Inquiry: Access To Health Care Services" was launched by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC). The report mainly focused on (among other issues) complaints regarding poor health services across South Africa. This report was published in 2009, it's 2018 and people are still facing similar issues. Why is that? It is highly advisable that the manager of Maki Legwete Clinic should read the mentioned report, especially the proposed solutions to similar issues faced by the clinic. Earlier this year, the Mitchell's Plain Community members were up in arms about poor services from the Mitchell's Plain Community Health Center. In an article by Kaylynn Palm: https://www.google.co.za/amp/amp.ewn.co.za/2018/01/05/wc-clinic-slammed-for-poor-service-delivery several similarities can be drawn between issues of poor service delivery faced by the Mitchell's Plain community, as well as the Kagiso community. In 2015 two children died outside Lenasia South Clinic due to poor clinic services: https://www.google.co.za/amp/amp.ewn.co.za/2015/02/16/Another-child-dies-after-being-denied-clinic-access. The stories regarding poor health services in South Africa are endless... Maki Legwete Clinic must be reminded of Section 27 of The Constitution of South Africa, which stipulates that: Everyone has the right to "access health care services, including reproductive health services." Access to the clinic is a basic and fundamental right. People deserve to be treated with respect, regardless of their age. For better services from Maki Legwete Clinic, sign the petition below. #PoorClinicServices #MakiLegweteClinic *Not their real names SOURCES: https://www.google.co.za/amp/amp.ewn.co.za/2018/01/05/wc-clinic-slammed-for-poor-service-delivery http://www.ngopulse.org/article/sa-healthcare-system-failing https://www.google.co.za/amp/amp.ewn.co.za/2015/02/16/Another-child-dies-after-being-denied-clinic-access

Two years ago, with what sparked an international conversation on the issue of rape and rape culture, commonly known as the #RUReferenceList protests, women and non-binary individuals set precedent for other institutions across the country to participate in a national discussion on problematizing how unsafe campuses are. In 2016 women, from all walks of life across the country demonstrated in solidarity with those at Rhodes University – highlighting not only the prevalence of GBV in our society, but also the failure of institutions in protecting its students. Since the advent of democracy, our institutions pride themselves in being leaders of transformation in society. They have prided themselves in being vehicles providing a vast range of knowledge to individuals entering their spaces. Yet, when it comes to issues of gendered discrimination and the effects it has on individuals – particularly women and minority groups – our cries seem to be invalid, and our experiences erased. We are tired of saying “enough is enough!” when it only suits the institution’s agenda. Your ‘enough’ does not suffice as every day we continue to live in fear of when our bodies will become another statistic to the vast crimes we experience on a daily basis. A Sexual Offences Unit will ensure that survivors of gendered and sexual orientation violence are met with the utmost sensitivity, specialized support and resources that will help towards their healing processes. The Sexual Offences Unit should include: support staff who encourage students to go for prosecution through reporting their cases; this consists of 24 hour psychologists available at all times of emergencies, and a space for student activists to assist in sharing insights to developing better models aimed at reducing all forms of violence on campus. This unit needs to be cognizant of all socio-economic demographics of the student body, and thus be able to cater to survivors of all backgrounds. The unit will provide sensitized support to student survivors who might not want to go through reporting their cases at the SAPS where they face further victimization due to a lack of training, resources and subsequently compassion. Rhodes University needs to cultivate a space that will ensure a prioritization of justice to survivors of sexual violence. In conjunction to this, the unit will have to implement the recommendations that were presented by the Sexual Violence Task Team at the end of 2016 in response to the demands of the student led protest #RUReferenceList. This unit will be very important as students leave college and university environments to enter the working space where issues of harassment are also prone. Socialization plays a huge part in curbing violence in our country, and it should start at home, in this case, at school. Rhodes University, much like society at large, needs to tackle gendered discrimination systemically through acknowledging and institutionalizing a culture of accountability in relation to the violence students experience. We need to push for our spaces of higher learning, the communities that we occupy every day, to internalize on a personal level policies and practices that speak to dismantling this culture of protecting perpetrators and stigmatizing survivors.

In 2017 Akhona Matyeni* a matric learner from rural Umthatha, lost her life to an illegal abortion. Akhona bled to death after taking what she knew to be abortion pills, purchased for R200 from an unknown man who's phone number she had found on a poster on the streets of Umthatha. Akhona did not know that she could access a safe, legal abortion for free at a government hospital or clinic she was just desperate to ensure that nothing came between her and obtaining an education. According to the World Health Organization up to 13% of deaths among pregnant women can be attributed to unsafe abortions. Despite the fact that abortion is legal in South Africa, it is estimated that between 52% and 58% of the estimated 260 000 abortions that take place in the country every year are illegal [1]. By South African law a legal abortion can only be performed by a midwife, a registered nurse trained for the procedure, a general practitioner or a gynecologist. Many South African women and girls remain unaware of the law and the services they are entitled to. A 2005 study published in the International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics reveals that, in a sample of 50 South African women who had terminated pregnancies illegally/outside of designated facilities. Over 50% admitted they had done so because they "did not know the law". A further 15% said they knew their rights but they did not know where to access safe, legal abortions [2]. Access to safe abortions saves women's lives everyday. A lack of information shouldn't stand in the way of that. In South Africa poor provision of adequate information remains one of the main barriers for women who seek safe, legal abortions. As things stand it is much easier for women to access information on unsafe, illegal abortions than it is to access information on the free safe, legal abortions that our government is constitutionally obligated to provide. In 2017 Amnesty International reported that less than 7% of South Africa's 3 880 public health facilities perform termination of pregnancy. This is a figure that is far less than the 505 medical facilities that the Department of Health claims to have designated to perform termination of pregnancy across South Africa [3]. This indicates that beyond the issue of the lack of available information on safe, legal abortion facilities, there is the issue of the Department of Health itself not having accurate information on the functionality of its own facilities. An investigation into the functionality of existing facilities is imperative for us to ascertain exactly how many facilities are available and what their capacity is. A national online abortion database will ensure that every woman has direct access to information on where and how they can access a free safe, legal abortion. These interventions will save lives by drastically decreasing the number of illegal abortions taking place in our country and putting an end to the desperation that forces women to undergo unsafe, illegal abortions. We call on the public to take a stand and put pressure on our government to make these important interventions in order to save the lives of women who are turning to unsafe, illegal abortions everyday because of a lack of information. We call on you to stand with us as we demand reproductive justice for all! *Not her real name SOURCES [1] SAnews. (2018). SA's illegal abortion rate alarmingly high. [online] Available at: https://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/sas-illegal-abortion-rate-alarmingly-high [Accessed 6 Sep. 2018]. [2] Tshangela, L. (2018). Only 40% of public clinics provide abortions: Study - [online] SABC News - Breaking news, special reports, world, business, sport coverage of all South African current events. Africa's news leader. Available at: http://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/only-40-of-public-clinics-provide-abortions-study/ [Accessed 5 Sep. 2018]. [3] Dyk, J. (2018). When there was no list of free abortion clinics, we made our own. Here's how.. [online] Bhekisisa. Available at: https://bhekisisa.org/article/2017-11-10-00-mind-the-gap-only-5-of-health-facilities-offer-abortions-heres-how-to-find-them [Accessed 6 Sep. 2018].

Domestic workers are denied compensation for injuries because they are excluded from the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act (COIDA). But an amendment to the law has been proposed. But we only have 7 days before public submissions close, and we need to come together in numbers to ensure the law is changed. Maria Mahlangu, a domestic worker drowned in 2012. Her family was offered only R2500 compensation. Johanna Motha was bitten by her employer's dog and set home without medical treatment. She ended up dying as a result of her injuries. These are just two of the countless incidences of injury and illness domestic workers have faced on the job. SADSAWU( South African Domestic Service and Allied Workers Union) brought an application against the Minister of Labour and the Compensation Commissioner for domestic workers to claim compensation in terms of the Compensation for Injuries and Diseases Act 130 of 1993(COIDA), in response to the poor compensation Mahlangu's family was offered. The case has been pending since 2015. The case has recently been postponed, after being set for the 15th of October. This case is an example of the consequences of domestic worker's exclusion in this Act. We call on you to recognize this case, as well as the rights of domestic workers. The reality is that domestic work opens itself up to abuse. This abuse is targeted at Black working class womxn, who work behind closed doors and make up the largest percentage of domestic workers. Issues like health are always linked to racism and classism. Domestic workers are not seen as equals to their employer and are treated with contempt and disrespect. In the past domestic work, was not regulated by government, because they were not part of key labour legislation. Their work, was therefore seen as casual and informal, and little respect was paid to the work they do. This attitude of disregard towards domestic workers, is still seen in the way employers treat domestic workers. We are not paying enough attention to the health of domestic workers. Even though domestic work is included in the Occupational Health and Safety Act, they are still not a part of the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act [1]. This means domestic workers cannot seek medical compensation for costs linked to work related injuries and diseases. Domestic workers have to cover their own medical expenses when injured on the job. This is often times impossible- due to the small sum of money they are paid. Domestic workers should be paid R1787.80 a month [2], this is hardly enough to cover basic living expenses and transport to work. A study by Dr. Lindiwe Innocentia Zungu on the health conditions domestic workers experience. The findings were that there are a range of workplace health hazards. These included “chemical hazards due to detergents and other chemicals used for cleaning purposes, and physical hazards from activities involving manual handling and/or repetitive movements, e.g. scrubbing floors, moving furniture, washing and ironing clothes.... Furthermore, psycho-social hazards due to urbanization were also prevalent among participants who resided in their employers’ premises.'' [3] It is clear that domestic work can be dangerous, physically and mentally. This is why it is important that we demand for the Minister of Labour to commit to including domestic workers in the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act. By including domestic workers in this Act, they will have access to health care, when faced with injury or illness acquired on the job. Their inclusion in this Act is also a message of recognition for the important work they do. By getting enough signatures on this petition, together we can demand the Minister of Labour to commit to making domestic work a priority and include them in the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act. [1] “The 2018 minimum wages for nannies and domestic workers.” Nic Anderson. 13 December 2017 for Parent24 [2]“Bill on labour brokers gets green light”Nov 12 2013 Sapa. Fin24 [3]"Employment conditions and challenges associated with being a domestic worker in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. "Dr Lindiwe Innocentia Zungu, Associate Professor, University of Johannesburg, Faculty of Health Sciences.

The majority of people living in Pennyville are currently either unemployed or the families are child run or elderly run with most receiving grants. Most of them cannot afford the rentals and therefore in arrears amounting to thousands of rands. Attempts to address this matter with the relevant authorities have been unsuccessful.

The Norms and Standards law compels the government to fix sanitation in schools. Last month, in the Bhisho High Court, Acting Judge Nomawabo Msizi fixed the unconstitutional loopholes in this law, which allowed Basic Education Minister Motshekga to indefinitely delay fulfilling this obligation. The judgment meant that government would be fully bound to meet the deadlines set in the law. Instead of immediately beginning to improve school infrastructure, Cyril Ramaphosa’s government is now wasting desperately needed State resources and time to appeal the judgment. They are joined in this farce by the nine Education MECs. In the wake of Judge Msizi’s positive judgment, on 31 July EE leaders wrote to President Ramaphosa about the need to move forward in efforts to decisively address the ongoing backlog of dangerous and inadequate infrastructure in South Africa’s schools. Critically, we explained to him that we tried to avoid recourse to the courts, and had reached out to Minister Motshekga as early as February 2014 to raise issues about the unconstitutional wording of the Norms and Standards. In addition to our letter to the President, we wrote directly to the DBE. Both letters were not responded to. But yet again, government chooses to dodge its constitutional, legal and moral duties to #FixOurSchools. The decision to appeal the school infrastructure judgment jeopardises the fight for quality teaching and learning, and the immediate safety of learners. It is an incomprehensible and unconscionable collective dereliction of duty. Government is unwilling to release school infrastructure improvement plans timeously, forcing us to lodge a Promotion of Access to Information (PAIA) application. The State missed its date to file with the Polokwane High Court, a plan to eliminate pit latrines in Limpopo, as required in the Komape case judgment, - instead it filed a last minute application to extend the deadline set by the High Court. The time for debating the lives of South Africa's children in court must end!

E-cigarettes put people at risk of lung and heart disease, and may cause cancer. The industry has used legal loopholes to get a new generation addicted. Just as cigarettes were once seen as trendy and cool, the industry has marketed vaping as healthier and cool, which is attracting young people and misleading adults to believe they are a healthy alternative to cigarettes. Research just published shows e-cigarettes are unlikely to help you quit. Smokers who don’t use e-cigarettes are more than twice as likely to quit smoking than those who use e-cigarettes [1]  The health insurance industry including Discovery Life, BrightRock, Liberty, Standard Bank Insurance and brokerage Insurance Busters, have stated all customers who have life cover, and who declare that they use e-cigarettes, will be treated the same as cigarette smokers [2]. A WHO report (2016) recommended that e-cigarettes be banned in indoor areas or where smoking is prohibited. This is because of the potential for non-users to be exposed to chemicals and e-cigarette aerosol in indoor areas. This exposure has the potential to harm the health of non-users. The use of e-cigarettes has been linked to an increase in heart rate and high blood pressure, and the nicotine in e-cigarettes can cause a stiffening of the arteries, all of which can cause increased risk to heart health, including increasing the risk of heart attacks. E-cigarette use has also been linked to certain lung diseases such as COPD and cystic fibrosis (UNC School of Medicine, 2017). Researchers at the University of Connecticut found that e-cigarettes loaded with a nicotine-based liquid are potentially as harmful as unfiltered cigarettes when it comes to causing DNA damage (2017). The researchers also found that vapor from non-nicotine e-cigarettes caused as much DNA damage as filtered cigarettes, possibly due to the many chemical additives present in e-cigarette vapors. Cellular mutations caused by DNA damage can lead to cancer. The US Surgeon General’s Report (2016) reported that nicotine exposure during adolescence can cause addiction and can harm the developing adolescent brain. It noted further that nicotine can cross the placenta and has known effects on fetal and postnatal development. Therefore, nicotine delivered by e-cigarettes during pregnancy can result in multiple adverse consequences, including sudden infant death syndrome. [1] https://www.wsj.com/articles/vaping-doesnt-often-help-smokers-quit-new-study-finds-1531159338 [2] Vaping the Jury's out on its long-term use. Angelique Ruzicka. City Press 16 April 2017.